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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, once earned his living dealing in livestock and precious metals. Today, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces hold sway over a vast expanse of the Sudanese territory.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a major triumph by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the final army garrison in the western region.

Feared and despised by his opponents, Hemedti is revered by his loyalists for his determination and his vow to tear down the corrupt state.

Modest Origins

His background is humble. He comes from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that straddles Chad and Darfur.

Born around 1974, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were never recorded.

Led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his family moved to Darfur in the late 20th century, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his early teens, Hemedti began earning by trading camels across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—impoverished, ignored by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed raided villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to spearhead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's unit was among them, accused in destroying the village of Adwa in late 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, among them dozens of minors.

International inquiries determined that the Janjaweed were responsible for crimes against humanity.

Strategic Maneuvering

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his rise to become leader of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political organization.

At one point he rebelled, demanding back-pay for his soldiers, promotions, and a government role for his brother. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Subsequently, when rival militias rebelled, Hemedti commanded government forces that crushed them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jebel Amir.

Quickly, his business venture al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti asked for and received official recognition as head of the new paramilitary group, answering only to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, receiving modern equipment and training.

Regional Ambitions

Hemedti's forces engaged in the Darfur conflict, struggled in the Nuba region, and took on a role to police the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in corruption and human smuggling.

By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE asked Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

His ties with the UAE proved highly significant, beginning a strong alliance with Emirati leadership.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men flocked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with the Russian Wagner organization, gaining expertise in exchange for business arrangements, including in gold.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Political Betrayal

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the generals deposed him.

For a time, Hemedti was hailed as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and allegedly drowned men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Under foreign pressure, the generals and civilians agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for several years.

Ongoing War

When a committee began examining army businesses, the two generals ousted the government and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF come under army command. Hemedti resisted.

In April 2023, RSF units moved to surround key bases in the capital. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and violence broke out city-wide.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit people.

International organizations report thousands of casualties, with the American officials calling it genocide.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired modern weapons, including military drones, used to strike army positions and critical for the assault on el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has formed a rival administration, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

After taking al-Fasher, the RSF now controls the majority of populated areas in western Sudan.

After allegations of mass killings, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations committed by his fighters.

Many believe Hemedti sees himself as ruler of an independent region or still aims to rule all of Sudan.

It's also possible, he may become a political puppet master, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

And as Hemedti's troops continue atrocities in al-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a world that does not care.